OPINION

OPINION | MACK MCLARTY: What's at stake

Why a successful transition of power is so important

One of the fundamental pillars of a working democracy is the peaceful transfer of power from one administration to another.

With the Electoral College's confirmation of Joe Biden as our president-elect, and the inauguration only weeks away, I find myself thinking back to the evening of Jan. 19, 1993, as I gathered with President-elect Bill Clinton, Vice President-elect Al Gore, and their respective national security advisers, at Blair House, the historic Pennsylvania Avenue guest residence across the street from the White House.

Gen. Colin Powell was there as well, an imposing presence with his military bearing, beribboned Army uniform, and four stars. He had come to discuss the passing of "the football"--the black briefcase containing the nuclear codes that travels wherever the president goes.

As General Powell reviewed the critical details, Bill Clinton's eyes met mine. I could see in the seriousness of his gaze the weight he understood he was accepting--the sacred responsibility, as commander-in-chief, to protect the security of our people and our nation.

From the very moment a new president takes office, the work of national stewardship begins. The economy doesn't stop. Priorities need to be set; decisions affecting American lives must be made.

As Ken Yale, director of President George H.W. Bush's White House Domestic Policy Council, recalled about the briefing book that he received in preparation for his Day One, "It was page after page after page--this issue, that issue, that issue--still on the table for the domestic policy team."

Meanwhile, on the national security side, the hand-off from one administration to another risks a moment of vulnerability that our enemies can--and have tried to--exploit. That, too, was part of what General Powell conveyed to us that night.

The U.S. presidential transition is remarkable for its scope and scale. There is no private sector equivalent to this process--to turning over the entire leadership of a multi-trillion-dollar enterprise employing more than 2 million people.

That is why a smooth, efficient transition is so indispensable to American democracy. It isn't just about setting a new administration up for success as it shifts from campaigning to governing. It's about protecting the interests, economic well-being, and safety of our people and our nation.

In the modern era, successive administrations of both parties have understood this imperative, acting to improve the process to meet the demands of each new time.

Prior to 1933, inauguration day was March 4, which left five months between the November election and the transfer of power. Today, however, the transition period is no more than 78 days--a sprint of barely 11 weeks to effect what Obama-Biden transition team leader Melody Barnes has called "the world's largest M&A (mergers and acquisitions) deal."

Meanwhile, and especially since the end of World War II, the size of the federal government has grown, as well as the United States' leadership role on the global stage--even as the world itself is more interconnected than ever.

Responding to this reality, the Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy administrations intensified efforts to formalize and bolster transition processes, culminating in the 1963 Presidential Transition Act, which provided federal funds, office space, and professional staff to aid incoming presidents and their teams.

Over the years, and with bipartisan support, the Act has been amended, and new legislation has been adopted to grapple with new challenges and needs.

I remember well, for example, how during Bill Clinton's 1992 campaign, the then-Governor worried, not irrationally, that if he were seen by the press and others as planning for taking the Oval Office, he would be accused of "measuring the drapes"--portrayed as over-confident, arrogant, or worse.

In part for this reason, after his election victory, our transition team was slower off the mark in naming key personnel than we might have hoped: we simply hadn't felt comfortable developing and vetting detailed lists of potential nominees.

After the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, leaders across the political spectrum realized this kind of pressure on major candidates had to change. Planning for transition isn't arrogant behavior; it's a national security necessity.

To enable this planning, the date when major party candidates could receive certain kinds of access was moved up, and security clearances for key staffers were accelerated. In signing the overarching 2004 Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act 16 years ago this week, President George W. Bush declared, "The many reforms in this act have a single goal: to ensure that the people in government responsible for defending America have the best possible information to make the best possible decisions."

Just as essential has been the recognition by Republican and Democratic presidents alike that, as the 1963 Act underscores, "Any disruption occasioned by the transfer of the executive power could produce results detrimental to the safety and well-being of the United States and its people." This pivotal moment transcends party.

In fact, the most effective transition to date was not between presidents of the same party, but rather the 2008 transition from President George W. Bush, a Republican, to President Barack Obama, a Democrat.

Presidential historian Martha Joynt Kumar has written that "In late 2007, President Bush told [White House Chief of Staff] Joshua Bolten: 'Go all-out to make sure that the transition is as effective as it possibly can be, especially in the national security arena.'"

In response, Bolten and National Security Adviser Stephen J. Hadley went above and beyond what was legally required to ensure a disciplined, thorough transfer of critical knowledge and information.

Scores of detailed briefing memoranda were prepared on both domestic and foreign policy issues, which Obama officials appreciated and welcomed. Even so, the fledgling Obama administration found itself drinking from the proverbial fire hose, taking office amid the 2008 economic meltdown.

Now, the incoming Biden-Harris administration will face its own urgent crises, with covid raging, entire economic sectors collapsing, and millions of Americans struggling just to hang on. Two decades ago, 9/11 spurred a new sense of urgency around smooth transitions. Today, we confront the reality, in the words of Centers for Disease Control director Robert Redfield, that "probably for the next 60 to 90 days, we're going to have more deaths per day than we had at 9/11 or we had at Pearl Harbor."

The transition under way is thus incredibly high-stakes, not just for President-elect Biden and his team, but for us all.

What are some of history's lessons, for the departing president, the incoming administration, and Americans as a whole? Three are top of mind for me.

First is the value of an early start--especially in cases such as the one we face now, where the transition timeline has been truncated. Ample preparation will help the incoming president deal with the inevitable UFOs--unforeseen occurrences that interrupt the best-laid plans.

During President Clinton's transition, for example, our team was surprised to learn in early January that the deficit was actually much larger than was being reported, forcing us to make rapid adjustments to our ambitions for a middle-class tax cut.

Fortunately, President-elect Biden has the benefit of longtime experience, including having already worked in the White House for eight years as vice president. The president-elect's early appointments of both White House staff and key Cabinet officials suggest that he is prioritizing veteran hands and trusted relationships, mindful that from the minute he takes the oath of office, he'll be expected to start producing results.

Mature, experienced men and women such as incoming White House chief of staff Ron Klain, Secretary of State-designate Tony Blinken, returning Secretary of Agriculture-designate Tom Vilsack, and Treasury Secretary-nominee Janet Yellen are well known in Washington and well regarded among their respective stakeholder communities.

In addition, President-elect Biden's emphasis on a few core issues--overcoming covid-19, rebuilding the economy, and advancing racial equity and justice--will help his team stay focused through this dynamic period and as they take the government's reins.

Second, remember that the transition is actually a three-part process: the period before the election, the period between election day and the inaugural, and the first year of a new administration.

There are roughly 4,000 politically appointed positions that need to be filled, some 1,200 of which require Senate confirmation. Below the Cabinet heads are critical deputy and assistant tiers--public servants and area experts who manage the day-to-day across the federal government's sweep. Filling these vacancies while simultaneously trying to deliver on campaign promises is like changing all four tires on a car while it's barreling down the highway.

This is a challenge that has bedeviled presidents of both parties, including Barack Obama and Donald Trump. One year into the Obama administration, the president had nominated 659 appointees and 453 had been confirmed; one year into Trump's term, the president had nominated 567 and secured approval of only 300.

The sooner and more efficiently federal positions are staffed, the better it is for the American people--something I worked hard to encourage during my time as President Clinton's White House chief of staff, working closely with then-Senator Majority Leader Trent Lott of Mississippi to win support for the confirmation process.

The U.S. Senate should resist the temptation to gratuitously obstruct nominations. President-elect Biden's decades of Senate service will hopefully help him work constructively with Congress to keep staffing decisions moving apace.

Third, the peaceful transfer of power is a distinguishing feature of American democracy, going back to our nation's founding, and the transition process cannot be separated from a president's legacy of leadership.

For better or worse, the way an incoming president handles the transition is often seen as an indicator of management savvy and style, and the way an exiting president handles their departure will shape the way they are viewed by history overall.

I will always be grateful for the grace and professionalism President George H.W. Bush and my longtime friend James Baker showed President Clinton, me, and the rest of our team as we prepared to lead. When I entered my office for the first time, Baker had left me a personal note: "All good wishes. It's yours now, not mine."

I am encouraged that even as President Trump pursues legal challenges to the election's outcome, he has accepted the General Services Administration's decision to allow transition logistics to proceed. Federal funding for the transition process has been released.

President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Harris are receiving daily intelligence briefings, members of their national security teams are being briefed by State Department and Pentagon experts, and agency "landing teams" are coordinating with counterparts government-wide.

Meanwhile, White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has communicated with incoming chief Ron Klain. These are positive signs, and I hope the momentum will only increase.

Why? Because the transition marks more than the hand-off of presidential authority. It is a powerful ritual that signifies to our citizenry and the world that ours is a nation of laws, that the United States government is indeed of the people, by the people, and for the people.

There's a story about how, during the Constitutional Convention, a woman was helping with the convention in Philadelphia asked Benjamin Franklin: "What have we got--a republic or a monarchy?" Franklin memorably replied, "A republic, if you can keep it."

Through this transition, and all that follow, we must prove to ourselves and posterity that we can.

Thomas F. "Mack" McLarty, III, who served as White House chief of staff, counselor, and special envoy for the Americas under President Bill Clinton, is chairman of McLarty Companies, in Little Rock, and McLarty Associates in Washington, D.C.

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